How youth reference groups can help amplify research findings in public discussions and improve policymaking


Lucas Walsh, Mark Rickinson, Blake Cutler and Joanne Gleeson

This blog post is based on the Evidence & Policy article, ‘How youth reference groups can contribute to amplify research findings to public discussions and potentially improve policy making‘, part of the part of the Evidence & Policy Special Issue: The Role of Youth-Led Research in Policy Change.

Where youth engagement in policymaking is often tokenistic or absent (Waite et al, 2024), this could be improved by collaborating with young people as research evidence users. 

In a previous post, we examined what it means for practitioners to use research well (Rickinson et al., 2024). The Quality Use of Research Evidence (QURE) Framework guides how research can effectively be applied in practice. High‑quality, relevant research needs to be thoughtfully integrated into professional practice through critical engagement and deliberate implementation. Quality use is best supported by individual skills, mindsets and relationships, as well as organisational leadership, culture and infrastructure to enable effective evidence use. We’ve now applied the QURE Framework to better understand what enables quality use of research evidence in Youth-led Participatory Action Research (YPAR) to amplify youth voices in public discussions and policymaking. 

In YPAR, ‘youth train as researchers to study equity issues they want to influence and advocate for changes based on their findings’ (Ozer et al., 2020: 269). More an orientation than a method, ‘youth are considered experts who generate valid knowledge about the conditions they seek to change while working to shift power structures and change inequitable systems, policies, and practices’ (Ozer et al., 2020: 269). In our case study, young people disrupted typically scholar-dominated research to contribute as collaborative research evidence users.

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The crematorium of knowledge: reimagining how we change


Mette Sønderskov, Ingjerd Thon Hagaseth and Arvind Singhal

This blog post is based on the Evidence & Policy article, ‘Enabling interactive knowledge mobilisation through the positive deviance (PD) approach for youth inclusion in Norway’.

About fifty years ago, the epidemiologist Archibald Cochrane recounted a conversation with a crematorium worker that feels hauntingly relevant today. When asked what fascinated him most about his profession, the man replied, ‘The way in which so much goes in, and so little comes out’.

In the world of evidence-informed policy, we are currently standing at the doors of a similar furnace. We invest staggering amounts of intellectual and financial capital into research, yet the practical yield remains frustratingly slim. We produce mountains of data, but very little of it translates into the lived experience of the communities it is meant to serve. The ‘knowledge-to-action’ gap isn’t just a crack in the pavement; it’s a canyon.

The traditional solution to this problem has been a ‘transfer model’. Experts generate knowledge in a controlled environment and then ‘export’ it to policymakers. When the evidence  fails to take root in policy and practice, the diagnosis is almost always a lack of effective dissemination or a need for ‘stricter’ implementation. But this linear logic ignores a fundamental truth: knowledge is not a package to be delivered; it is a relationship to be cultivated.

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Policy impacts through local intergenerational collectives


Asherah Adler-Eldridge, Dane Stickney and Milahd Makooi

This blog post is based on the Evidence & Policy article, ‘Drive for equity: the impact of youth-generated evidence on transportation policy’, part of the Evidence & Policy Special Issue: The Role of Youth-Led Research in Policy Change.

On a policy level, life has been hard lately. Certainly, in the United States, we understand that the current administrations’ policy decisions, which have been implemented quickly, harshly and without public comment, have left people shocked and demoralised. Unfortunately, the persistent absurdity produced by sporadic policy decisions has led to widespread desensitisation, creating a sense that defeat is both inevitable and enduring.

We also think that’s the point. At times, governmental officials use the policy process to isolate, intimidate and punish people, encouraging them to withdraw from civic life. There is hope, however, and we find it on deeply local and personal levels by addressing community inequities through intergenerational collectives.

Our Evidence & Policy article, ‘Drive for equity: the impact of youth-generated evidence on transportation policy’, explains how adult educators and teenage students came together to critique, research and reform policies that oversee streets, buses and trains in Denver, Colorado. Our article describes two cases that leveraged youth participatory action research (YPAR), which is framework in which young people lead as researchers, analysts and policy developers.

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Politics of neutrality: intermediaries and research use in civics programming


Mariah Kornbluh

This blog post is based on the Evidence & Policy article, ‘Politics of neutrality: intermediaries and research use in civics programming‘, part of the Evidence & Policy Special Issue: Research (Mis)use and Mis/Disinformation in and around Education.

Public education has become a political environment fraught with misinformation in the United States.  Book bans, educational gag orders and outright educator censorship influence (sometimes heavily) local school district policy. International efforts have highlighted that civics education offers a unique avenue in educating for a ‘just’ democracy. However, global trends and mounting national pressure highlights the curriculum’s vulnerability to being censored, constricted and outright distorted.

The problem: ‘neutrality’ perpetuating research misuse within civics education

Engaging in discourse on social issues and events that are relevant to students’ lives is an incredibly valuable method for them to gain needed civics skills. Yet, educators operate in an oppressive policy context that dissuades such practices and politicises historic events. Civics education has historically promoted neutrality as a pedagogical good which often manifests in a ‘both-sideism’ framework. This framework prioritises presenting ‘both sides’ of a social issue, often to the detriment of accuracy. Such an approach has been critiqued when 1) specific issues have overwhelming scientific evidence (i.e., climate change), but are presented as ‘open questions’, contributing to misinformation, and 2) such a format can set the stage for false equivalences in discourse around social injustice. Thus, the quest for ‘neutrality’ is a contested pedagogical approach within civics education, yet it has not been explored through the lens of research misuse.

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Fighting misinformation in education: what works, what doesn’t, and what we still need to learn


Maithreyi Gopalan and Francesca Lopez

This blog post is based on the Evidence & Policy article, ‘Countermeasures to misinformation: lessons from the social sciences and applications to education in the United States‘, part of the Evidence & Policy Special Issue: Research (Mis)use and Mis/Disinformation in and around Education.

In today’s polarised political climate, misinformation about education has fueled book bans, educational gag orders and teacher self-censorship – developments that threaten the integrity of our public education system. From debates about critical race theory to evidence-based teaching practices, false or misleading claims spread rapidly, shaping policy decisions at school, district, state and federal levels.

Despite the urgency of this problem, there is remarkably little research on how misinformation spreads in education or how to effectively counter it. In a new study published in Evidence & Policy, we comprehensively review and synthesise evidence from about 400 studies published broadly in the social sciences between 2010 and 2024 to identify what we know (and don’t know) about fighting misinformation in the uniquely decentralised world of US public education.

Research shows that false information spreads faster and more broadly than true information online, making this work especially urgent. While scholars continue to debate how best to define and study misinformation, we adopt a broad, inclusive definition of misinformation encompassing both intentional and unintentional false or misleading information consistent with prevailing expert guidance. We use the term misinformation throughout the review to describe the full spectrum of inaccurate or distorted information, regardless of intent and are particularly focused on uncovering remedies to mitigate ‘systemic misinformation’ that operates through mis-, dis- and mal-information channels.

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Far-right mother organisations and their crusade against public education


Danfeng Soto-Vigil Koon, Huriya Jabbar, Kiah Combs, Mira McDavitt, Tamra J. Malone and Teresa Leyva

This blog post is based on the Evidence & Policy article, ‘Mama bears in the belly of the beast: Moms for Liberty disinformation campaigns in California’, part of the Evidence & Policy Special Issue: Research (Mis)use and Mis/Disinformation in and around Education.

Far-right extremism – often characterised by nativism, religious fundamentalism, White supremacy and misogyny – is on the rise worldwide. And education has become a key battleground. The thought of far-right extremism often conjures images of angry young men, but the attack on public education in the United States and associated democratic institutions (such as local and regional elected school boards) has actually been spearheaded by a highly coordinated mothers’ organisation, Moms for Liberty.

Showing up at state houses and school board meetings to oppose sex education, challenge accurate and inclusive teaching of history, ban books, accuse teachers of sexually grooming children and oust educational leaders, Moms for Liberty projects a loud voice intent on reshaping education. Research on their tactics and consequences is growing, but far less attention has been paid to how they build support through disinformation in progressive states like California, where Moms for Liberty leaders describe themselves as vanguards ‘in the belly of the beast’.

Our study situates Moms for Liberty within a longer history of far-right women’s movements in the United States and internationally. We examine their organisational structure, activities, core messages and long-term strategies.

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Evidence & Policy 2025 Carol Weiss Award

We are thrilled to announce the prize for the 2025 Carol Weiss Award winning paper published in Evidence & Policy. The Carol Weiss Prize is in honour of Dr Carol Weiss, the first North American Editor of Evidence & Policy, and a pivotal contributor and thinker to our field. The award is given every two years to early career contributors to the journal.

This award cycle, we are delighted to announce that the winners of the 2025 Carol Weiss Prize are Lise Moawad and Dr Sebastian Ludwicki-Ziegler for their Evidence & Policy article, ‘Social studies, technology assessment and the pandemic: a comparative analysis of social studies-based policy advice in PTA institutions in France, Germany and the UK during the COVID-19 crisis’.

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New Evidence & Policy issue – Volume 21: Issue 4

The editorial team of Evidence & Policy is pleased to see the publication of our fourth and final issue for 2025, Evidence & Policy Volume 21: Issue 4. This issue has a lot of work focused on how political elites use and are impacted by evidence in the policymaking process. A major thread through this work is that while evidence has an impact, there are important limitations.

The first piece examines programs designed to support scientists and engineers in engaging in public policy, specifically studying the state of Virginia. Through surveys and interviews of program leaders, the study finds evidence of perceived impact, though limits in the ability to implement evidence-based approaches.

The second article also finds impact and its limitation, but this time using policy documents. They find that policy think tanks draw from academic expertise more readily than governments.

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Optimising microsurveys to improve the use of research evidence from websites


Esmeralda Michel, Megan Mitchell, Nehal Eldeeb and Valerie B. Shapiro

This blog post is based on the Evidence & Policy article, Promoting the use of research evidence from websites: optimising microsurveys as feedback loops to drive improvement’.

There are many efforts to make research evidence accessible to educators online through toolkits and in other user-friendly formats. Intermediaries – which are organisations that sit between research and practice – can take on the mission of synthesising, translating and sharing research for the public. One such intermediary is the Greater Good in Education (GGIE), an organization that hosts a website of evidence-based practices for educators. Yet a persistent challenge remains among these types of intermediaries: once research evidence is packaged and posted, how do we know the extent to which the evidence is being accessed, appraised and applied in practice? Intermediaries are missing ‘feedback loops’ that could help the intermediaries adapt and improve their efforts to promote the use of research evidence.

In a recent study published in Evidence & Policy, researchers Eldeeb, Ren, and Shapiro explored whether microsurveys could help fill this gap. Microsurveys are short surveys embedded directly on a webpage, triggered by specified interactions with the website. They can capture real-time feedback from users, providing actionable insights into whether research evidence is likely to be applied in practice.

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Recognising the expertise of people with disability


Shane Clifton

This blog post is based on the Evidence & Policy article, Disability lived experience and expertise: recognising the expert contributions of people with disability’.

The disability rights movement was founded on the principle of ‘Nothing About Us Without Us’. This idea highlights the importance of including people with disability in decisions that affect them and recognises their expertise in shaping their own lives. While people with disability have too often been subject to controlling and dehumanising systems, as we explore in our recent study, there is now a growing understanding that disabled people should play key roles in designing, producing and leading disability healthcare, policy and research. The knowledge they bring is often called ‘lived experience’.

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